Supreme Court's Watergate-era rulings against Nixon may end Trump's executive privilege claims
Former President Donald Trump's attempt to withhold records from the House of Representatives related to the January 6 US Capitol attack based on executive privilege a claim rejected by President Joe Biden would present the US Supreme Court with a novel legal dilemma.
But past decisions involving assertions of executive
privilege to keep documents confidential suggest Trump has a weak case, even if
heard by this increasingly conservative high court, with three Trump appointees
on the nine-member bench.
"The privilege is not for the benefit of the President
as an individual, but for the benefit of the Republic," the Supreme Court
declared in a 1977 touchstone decision involving former President Richard
Nixon.
More recently, the justices last year expressed concerns
that congressional demands for presidential documents could arise from
"impermissible purposes," such as to harass a president, and
interfere with his official duties. In this new case, however, any possible
distraction from duties dissolves because Trump no longer holds office.
In a decision late Tuesday, US District Judge Tanya Chutkan
cited Supreme Court precedent as she ruled against Trump's effort to obtain an
injunction to stop the National Archives from releasing records sought by a US
House of Representatives select committee investigating January 6. She noted
the unprecedented legal situation: "a former President asserts executive
privilege over records for which the sitting President has refused to assert
executive privilege."
"At bottom, this is a dispute between a former and
incumbent President," she wrote in her 39-page opinion. "And the
Supreme Court has already made clear that in such circumstances, the
incumbent's view is accorded greater weight."
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Chutkan brushed away Trump's argument that he retains
control of the privilege, declaring, "Presidents are not kings, and the
Plaintiff is not President. He retains the right to assert that his records are
privileged, but the incumbent President is not constitutionally obliged to
honor that assertion."
The judge rejected Trump again Wednesday night, as the
former President continues legal maneuvers to delay the document handover while
appeals play out.
The National Archives is scheduled to turn over more than 40
pages of documents related to January 6 on Friday, including White House
visitor and call logs and three handwritten memos from the files of ex-White
House chief of staff Mark Meadows.
The House committee contends it urgently needs the records.
"The potential harm to the public is immense," the House committee
wrote in a court filing Wednesday. "Our democratic institutions and a core
feature of our democracy -- the peaceful transfer of power are at
stake."
Trump's next appeal on the merits of his case would be
directed to the US Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia Circuit,
before he would proceed to the high court.
Nixon's
attempt to destroy Watergate tapes
The Supreme Court scaffolding for the current dispute dates
to 1977, when Nixon, three years removed from office, challenged the
Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act in his effort to shield
Watergate tape recordings and documents.
Chutkan noted in her opinion that Nixon had said he planned
to destroy the tapes and that, since the entire Nixon ordeal, Congress had
adopted the Presidential Records Act, which changed ownership of a president's
official files from private to public; the House committee is seeking the
archived Trump files under the act's terms.
Nixon lost in 1977 by a 7-2 vote. A threshold question for
the justices in that case of Nixon v. Administrator of General Services was
whether Nixon, as a former president, could assert executive privilege -- a
right intended to ensure a president confidentiality in his dealings with
advisers and usually given significant protection. In an earlier case, the 1974
United States v. Nixon, the court had said the privilege is not absolute, as it
required Nixon to turn over Watergate tapes for a criminal investigation.
(Nixon resigned soon after that decision.)
In the 1977 Nixon dispute, the justices said a former
president can, even after leaving office, assert executive privilege. "The
privilege survives the individual President's tenure," Justice William
Brennan wrote for the majority.
Yet the court emphasized a significant condition relevant to
the Trump case: "At the same time, however, the fact that neither
President (Gerald) Ford nor President (Jimmy) Carter supports appellant's claim
detracts from the weight of his contention that the Act impermissibly intrudes
into the executive function and the needs of the Executive Branch,"
Brennan wrote. "This necessarily follows, for it must be presumed that the
incumbent President is vitally concerned with and in the best position to
assess the present and future needs of the Executive Branch, and to support
invocation of the privilege accordingly."
Chutkan relied heavily on that seminal opinion Tuesday as
she observed that presidential conversations would normally fall under the
protections of executive privilege but that the privilege is not absolute.
Just as the Supreme Court in 1977 found that Nixon's desire
to keep and destroy the tapes was surpassed by broader governmental interests,
Chutkan stressed that presumption of a privilege can be overcome by legislative
or judicial needs. Biden, she wrote, had declined to assert executive privilege
because of Congress' compelling need to investigate the January 6 assault on
the Capitol.
Among the materials sought are written communications,
calendar entries, videos related to the January 6 rally and the White House
response to the violence at the Capitol.
Rioters broke through barricades at the building as Congress
was preparing to count the electoral votes from the 2020 presidential election,
which Trump lost to Biden. Trump had spoken at the rally earlier that day,
repeating his claims, with no factual basis, that the election had been
"stolen" from him and his followers should "fight like
hell."
Trump's
financial documents
Biden's endorsement of the US House committee's request for
materials from January 6 eases the separation-of-powers concerns that
traditionally loom when Congress seeks presidential materials.
In that regard, Chutkan's opinion drew on the 2020 Trump v.
Mazars case, in which the then-President had tried to prevent House Democrats
from obtaining certain tax and other financial documents. Trump argued at the
time that his role as president should shield him from investigation.
The Supreme Court rejected Trump's broad claim that the
House lacked power to subpoena the documents but returned the dispute to lower
courts to weigh "special concerns" regarding the balance of powers
among the branches and the House's claim that its request flowed from a valid
legislative purpose.
Chutkan said much of the Supreme Court apprehension in the
2020 document dispute would not apply to the current controversy because of
Biden's position. (Trump also lacks the personal-privacy grounds he raised in
the Mazars financial-documents case.)
Trump has argued that current House document requests are
too broad and would be a burden to fulfill.
"But upon whom is the burden imposed?" Chutkan
wrote. "President Biden has determined that the requests are not so
intrusive or burdensome on the Office of the President as to outweigh Congress'
'compelling need in service of its legislative functions.' Unlike the
circumstances presented in Mazars, here, the legislative and executive branches
are in harmony and agree that the requests are not unduly intrusive, thus
extinguishing any lingering concerns about the breadth of the requests."
Irrespective of past Supreme Court action on presidential
powers, Chutkan, as she chronicled Trump's false election claims, recalled the
strained relations between the former President and the court. She observed
that the justices had spurned Trump's voter fraud arguments in 2020.
Wrote Chutkan: "The United States Supreme Court also
denied numerous emergency applications aimed at overturning the results. In
response, Plaintiff tweeted that the Court was 'totally incompetent and weak on
the massive Election Fraud that took place in the 2020 Presidential Election.'
"
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